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United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) report on the present dire situation in Gaza PDF Print E-mail
Written by UNDP   
Monday, 19 July 2010 07:13
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
24 May 2010






Executive Summary

More than a year after Israel ceased its military operations against the Gaza Strip, and despite intensive efforts to initiate recovery, three quarters of the damage inflicted on buildings and infrastructure remains unrepaired and unreconstructed. Around USD 527 million are required to just return the Gaza Strip to the state it was in on December 26, 2008, on the eve of the the 23-day conflict. This represents a fraction of the total needs required to “build back better”, that is to ensure that Gazans achieve a measure of well being that extends beyond the levels of 2008, through large scale construction to address population growth, maintenance and repair to reverse the degradation of public and private infrastructure which has occurred under the blockade of the Gaza Strip.

“Operation Cast Lead”, as the Israeli army called its campaign against the Gaza Strip, constituted one of the most violent episodes in the recent history of the occupied Palestinian territory1. The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights estimates that 1,4172 Palestinians were killed, 313 of whom were children, 116 women and 988 men. More than 5,380 were injured, of whom 1,872 were children, 800 were women and 2,520 were men3. Between 40-70% of the wounded suffered severe traumatic injuries, and eleven percent among the injured have become permanently disabled.4 At least 6,268 homes were destroyed or severely damaged. The civilian population suffered further from damage to electricity, water and sewage
systems. Military operations also caused substantial damage to schools, universities, hospitals, health centers, businesses, factories and farmland and public governance facilities, including presidential, parliamentary, ministerial, rule of law, civil society, and local administration buildings and archives, destroying an already weakened institutional capacity.

The Blockade

The 23-day campaign against the Gaza Strip was the latest in a series of control measures taken by Israel which have intensified since 2000. On June 14, 2007, Israel banned the export of all goods from the Gaza Strip and the importation of anything except what the Israeli government labelled as “humanitarian” into Gaza. The blockade resulted in the closure of most of the manufacturing industry, which was deprived of materials and export markets, and led to a surge in unemployment which currently stands at 40%. John Holmes, the United Nations Emergency Relief Co-ordinator, described the blockade as “collective punishment” of the civilian population of the Gaza Strip. The blockade has created shortages in a number of critical items and constrained the rights of Gazans to education, health, shelter, culture, personal development and work.

Obstacle to Reconstruction

The blockade has been a major obstacle to repairing the damage done by Israeli air attacks and destruction. Nearly none of the 3,425 homes destroyed during Cast Lead have been reconstructed, displacing around 20,000 people. Only 17.5% of the value of the damages to educational facilities has been repaired, putting extra strain on Gaza’s already stressed education system where schools have been teaching two shifts of pupils per day for decades.

Repairs of infrastructure have also been held back. Only half of the damage to the power network has been repaired, which continues to contribute to significant electricity cuts; no repare has been made to the transport infrastructure. In the economic sector, a quarter of damaged farmland has been rehabilitated and only 40% of private businesses have been repaired. The fishing industry has been almost completely destroyed by ongoing Israeli restrictions on fishing limits.

A closer look reveals that the infrastructure which remains unrepaired is often that which is most essential to the basic needs and well-being of the Gaza population. The repair of the severely damaged Al-Wafa and Al-Quds Hospitals has been delayed by the lack of materials, with work on the latter only starting in February 2010. USD 21,541,460 worth of repairs is still needed to rehabilitate universities and two fully destroyed private schools, including the American School of Gaza. Most of the damaged agriculture infrastructure, including poultry and livestock farms, greenhouses, storage facilities and irrigation infrastructure, worth USD 40 million, has not been repaired and USD 30 million worth of orchards still need to be replanted.

International Mobilization for Gaza

International mobilization for the reconstruction of Gaza began shortly after the end of operation ”Cast Lead”. Based on a damage and needs assessment spearheaded by the UN in collaboration with local authority counterparts and national NGOs, the Palestinian National Authority put forward the Palestinian National Early Recovery and Reconstruction Plan for Gaza (PNERRP) at the Sharm El-Sheikh Donor Conference of 2 March 2009. More than USD 1.3 billion was pledged by international donors in support of the plan. More than a year after the Sharm El-Sheikh Conference, few of these pledges have materialized, and Gaza’s reconstruction continues to be hampered by Israel’s blockade and by internal Palestinian divisions.

Continued calls have been made by donors, the Quartet, UN agencies, scholars and international NGOs for Israel to lift or at least ease the current blockade on Gaza. Despite these efforts, little progress has been recorded. A recent Quartet declaration welcomed Israel’s move to allow more goods into Gaza but the quantity and relevance of the goods permitted does not address the nature and scale of the needs.

Gaza’s Lifeline – The Tunnel Economy

To circumvent the blockade and acquire goods for a dignified life, Gazans have begun to rely on old and new tunnels that cross from Rafah into Egypt. Gaza’s tunnel economy has been ongoing for more than 15 years and has always been driven by commercial imperatives and the shortage of goods in Gaza. Before disengagement in 2005, the Israeli army waged a constant battle to suppress tunneling. The army flooded the border area, created mini-earthquakes with explosives and conducted house to house searches. Each time they blocked a tunnel, the operators would dig another one to bypass the blockage and re-connect with the main shaft. In 2007, tunneling switched from being a secretive enterprise to one conducted in the open, with hundreds of tunnels being constructed beneath the border watch towers.

The tunnels range from basic to sophisticated and are used to bring in anything from Arabian horses to cars as well as basic commodities that have been restricted by Israel. Evidence of the tunnel economy can be seen in the existence in Gaza of Egyptian Coca Cola and cigarettes,
Chinese motorbikes, fuel, building materials and prescription drugs.

Gaza One Year After

Despite the blockade, and although reconstruction needs remain considerable, a combination of foreign aid and Gazan ingenuity has allowed some of the war damage to be repaired. Organisations and individuals have combined recycled and smuggled materials to repair their homes, businesses and facilities. While UN agencies have refrained from carrying out projects using materials coming from the tunnels, others have bought reconstruction materials on the open market, regardless of their origin.

In testimony to what Gazans prioritize, most damaged health facilities have been repaired including 33 out of 40 primary health care centres. Ten out of 12 hospitals were fixed, while repairs are underway for the remaining 2, despite the shortage of building materials. In addition, around 78% of water and sanitation facilities have been repaired, excluding house connections of destroyed houses and the Jabalia reservoir. In some areas, rehabilitation work has improved services, such as the provision of drinking water.

While it has been so far nearly impossible to reconstruct destroyed houses, 75.6% of the households with damages in their houses have implemented repairs, partially (41%) or totally (34.6%), often (but not always) using the compensation funds provided by UNRWA and UNDP, for up to 60% of the value of their damages. Reconstruction of houses is planned by a number of actors to begin in 2010. In addition, a majority (54%) of the damaged and destroyed industrial establishments have been reconstructed and nearly all of those (97%) have resumed operations, albeit in many cases at reduced capacity.

Reports however show that in 2009, Gaza experienced a degree of economic recovery, demonstrated by a decrease in unemployment and in an increase in the number of operating industrial facilities. While the current levels of donor aid and public sector expansion account for a considerable part of these improvements (the UNRWA job creation programme accounted for the equivalent of 9,600 full-time jobs in 2009) the growing tunnel trade between Egypt and Gaza and the importation through the tunnels of needed materials have enabled this assistance
to translate into some degree of recovery.

However, the sustainability of this limited recovery is questionable. First, despite improvements in the number of employed people, the purchasing power of people has continued to decline, and unemployment rates in Gaza remain among the highest in the world. In addition, more than half of the interventions implemented in 2009 were externally funded cash-based interventions: USD 53,617,888 was provided in cash assistance for the most deprived sections of society, USD 74,959,562 in cash assistance and compensation schemes5 for households with destroyed and damaged houses, and USD 62,924,920 for livelihoods interventions that consisted mainly of short-term employment schemes and emergency input-driven support to backyard farming. The Gazan economy is also supported by food assistance provided by WFP and UNRWA and the wages of 62,000 public employees on the Palestinian Authority payroll which is partially funded by the European Union.

Gaza Recovery’s Actors

The report shows that Gaza’s - limited - recovery is to be attributed first and foremost to the resilience and creativity of Gazans. Although the report could not study, in depth, the various coping strategies developed, and mostly records the donor-funded recovery, the mere fact that recovery could happen despite the current blockade is telling. Over the past years, Gazans have maximized the use of locally available resources. Local solutions were developed to cope with the absence of pesticides. Agricultural roads were repaired with the rubble of destroyed houses. The restarting of the construction sector was prompted by the recycling of crushed rubble mixed with cement imported from tunnels. Most of the repairs to the damaged water and sanitation infrastructure were implemented by the Coastal Municipal Water Utility immediately after the cessation of hostilities. The Palestinian electricity and telecommunications companies, GEDCO, Paltel and Jawwal performed most of their repairs using available spare parts and using imaginative and unorthodox solutions. Alternative construction technologies, such as Compressed Earth Block technology, are also being explored by UNRWA and UN Habitat, to build houses despite the Israeli blockade on construction materials6.

Evidence also shows that, irrespective of the resources available, Gazans prioritized repairs. Most private schools were rehabilitated through private donations. Moreover, a UNDP survey shows that similar levels of repairs were recorded in houses for which households had received compensation and in houses for which no compensation was received. The restoration of damaged and destroyed industrial establishments is another tribute to Gazans’ resilience: with no external support received, 54% of the damaged and destroyed facilities were repaired and
97% of them were able to resume operations.

The report also highlights that Gaza’s recovery efforts benefited from greater support from Arab donors and Islamic international NGOs and organizations than from traditional donors, United Nations organizations and Western international NGOs. The repair of hospitals, clinics, schools, universities, the rehabilitation of damaged agricultural infrastructure and the emergency repair and reconstruction of houses was essentially performed with support from Arab funding and by NGOs and organizations such as Islamic Relief, Qatar Red Crescent, Qatar Charity, Human Appeal International, Al-Rahma Charity Association, Mercy Malaysia, and Muslim Hands. UN agencies, traditional donors and Western NGOs have tended to emphasise input-driven emergency relief and cash-based programmes over structural rehabilitation works that the Israeli-imposed embargo on the Gaza Strip aims at preventing.

Overall, USD 173,303,921 worth of repairs were implemented in 2009, and USD 154,819,045 of cash-based and other programming interventions was provided to alleviate suffering and enable recovery.

Methodology

This report was prepared by UNDP, as Early Recovery Cluster Lead, in partnership with the Gaza-based Engineering and Management Consulting Center (EMCC). The objective of the report is to update the Gaza recovery and reconstruction needs highlighted in the Palestinian National Early Recovery and Reconstruction Plan for Gaza (PNERRP) prepared by the Palestinian Authority with support from UNDP and in coordination with UN agencies, the EC, the World Bank and civil society organizations. This research has been conducted to inform policy-makers, donors and the general public on the current situation in the Gaza Strip for programming and strategic planning, as well as monitoring and evaluation purposes.

The report therefore follows, to a great extent, the structure of the PNERRP and focuses mainly, as the PNERRP did, on infrastructural damages. While this may be perceived as a shortcoming, it reflects a conscious decision that was made in order to be able to measure change against a set baseline. The report reflects interventions that were implemented in Gaza up to January 2010.

The report was prepared based on extensive consultations with a range of stakeholders, including technical counterparts of local authorities, UN agencies, international and national NGOs, Clusters and sector working groups, researchers and academics. Data was collected by UNDP and EMCC and cross-correlated with several sources.

The information presented in this report does not pretend to be exhaustive. In some instances, complete data on achievements and outstanding requirements was lacking. The report highlights such gaps, in which case best efforts have been made to clarify the assumptions made and the methodology used to infer actual needs on the ground.

End Notes
1 OCHA. “Locked In: The humanitarian impact of two years of blockade on the Gaza Strip,” August 2009.
2 Based on the cross checking of multiple fatality lists, OCHA has identified the records of 1,383 Palestinians whose death was confirmed by at least two independent sources. See “Locked In,” pg. 12.
3 From the end of the incursion until December 2nd 2009, one female and two male children, and forty-nine adult male Palestinians had been killed in Gaza, while 121 others were injured by Israeli Security Force (ISF) actions. (see OCHA http://www.ochaopt.org/poc/).
4 Handicap International’s database records 1,011 people as permanently disabled. Handicap International, Need Assessment Framework (NAF) Disability Sector (including Older Persons), April 2010.
5 Out of USD 74,959,562, USD 51,133,370 worth of repairs were implemented by house owners. This was reflected in table 41 as the value of the housing interventions in 2009 and was deducted from the total value of the compensations in table 42 to avoid double accounting.
6 So far, 9 CEB houses have been built, and 200 are being planned with 30 currently being tendered.


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Is Israel an Apartheid State? PDF Print E-mail
Written by ICAHD   
Tuesday, 16 March 2010 08:48

Is Israel an Apartheid State?

March 6th, 2010
Download: Is Israel an Apartheid State? (pdf, 5.57 MB)

Do Israel’s practices in occupied Palestinian territory, namely the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza, amount to the crimes of colonialism and apartheid under international law?

Is Israel an Apartheid State?

Is Israel an Apartheid State?

Summary of a legal study by Human Sciences Research Center of South Africa.
Summary written by Frances H. ReMillard.

Rhetoric or Reality?

Do Israel’s practices in occupied Palestinian territory, namely the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza, amount to the crimes of colonialism and apartheid under international law? A summary of a legal study by HSRC of South Africa.

The Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa, in its efforts to eliminate and prevent the kind of suffering the South African and Namibian people suffered under apartheid, commissioned a legal study of the Israel-Palestine situation. “The aim of this project was to scrutinize the situation from the nonpartisan perspective of international law, rather than engage in political discourse and rhetoric.”

This fifteen-month collaborative study set out to examine legally the question:

Do Israel’s practices in occupied Palestinian territory, namely the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza, amount to the crimes of colonialism and apartheid under international law?

The study was comprehensive including discussion of pertinent international law and legal rulings, the legal status and laws governing historic Palestine from Ottoman times to present, Israeli law, discussion and rebuttal of Israel’s various legal arguments as to why international law does not apply, and a very detailed review of Israel’s practices weighed against this legal context and compared to similar practices carried out by the government of South Africa during apartheid.

To fully explore this issue, the evidence offered in the study was very broad including Israel’s practices within the state of Israel proper, Israel’s practices regarding Palestinian refugees, and Israel’s practices in occupied Palestinian territory; however, the legal question asked and conclusions drawn about apartheid were limited to Israel’s practices after 1967 when Israel occupied the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip.

Apartheid defined under international law
Apartheid is defined as an institutionalized form of racism in which states enact laws which function as the apparatus to commit inhuman acts for the purpose of establishing and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and systematically oppressing them.

Apartheid regimes rely on three “Pillars of Apartheid” to maintain their domination

  • Pillar 1: The state codifies into law a preferred identity, and then establishes adjunct laws that grant preferential legal status and material privileges to the preferred group on the basis of their identity while discriminating against the non-preferred group on the basis of the inferior status afforded them.
  • Pillar 2: The state segregates the population into geographic areas based on their identity. The favored identity receives preferential access to land, water, other resources, and to government benefits and services while the non-preferred group is confined to ever shrinking non-contiguous besieged territorial enclaves.
  • Pillar 3: The state establishes security laws and policies designed to suppress any opposition to the regime. The system of domination is reinforced through assassinations; administrative detention; torture; cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment; and arbitrary arrest and imprisonment of the non-preferred group.an advisory opinion on the question of Israel’s practices in occupied Palestinian territory.

Using these criteria, the May 2009 South African study found that “Israel, since 1967, is the belligerent Occupying Power in occupied Palestinian territory, and that its occupation of these territories has become a colonial enterprise which implements a system of apartheid.”

The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions-USA has summarized the findings of this study to make the results accessible to the public, to help people understand that talk of apartheid is more than just rhetoric, and to provide a tool which concerned citizens can use to help bring an end to Israel’s apartheid regime. Our summary briefly describes only the ‘components of apartheid’ and the Israeli practices used by the study group to reach its conclusions.

Israel’s practices, Apartheid Pillar 1: A preferred identity; separate system privileging Jews

  • Israel’s domestic law codifies the Jewish identity as the preferred identity and establishes that collective rights extend to Jews only. All other people lack the right to a national life anywhere in Israel proper or occupied Palestinian territory.
  • Israel’s state resources (including land in occupied Palestinian territory which Israel has declared ‘state land’) are specified as being for the exclusive benefit of Jews, administered under the World Zionist Organization, Jewish Agency, and Jewish National Fund. These para-state organizations are authorized agents of the state of Israel; receive funding from the state of Israel; are empowered to manage Israeli state affairs; yet their charters and Israeli Law mandate that they operate in perpetuity for the exclusive benefit of world Jewry.
  • Since 1967, Israel supplanted existing laws governing Palestinian territory with two separate sets of law: Israeli domestic law to apply to Jewish settlers and Israeli military law to apply to Palestinians (See Table A for examples of Israel’s military orders governing Palestinians).

Right to Housing and Natural Growth
– After occupying Palestinian territory in 1967, Israel froze the municipal boundaries of Palestinian towns and villages. Because Israel, in general, denies Palestinians the right to build outside municipal boundaries, this law has served as the basis for stemming Palestinian growth, denying Palestinians 90% of needed housing permits, and for destroying thousands of Palestinian homes.

– Since 1967 not one new Palestinian community has been established in East Jerusalem.

Settler Benefits
– Israel encourages Jews from anywhere in the world to move into occupied Palestinian territory by providing automatic citizenship, settlement housing, and financial benefits including permanent exemption from real estate and employers’ taxes; grants to cover costs of moving to settlements; loans for rent, utilities and purchasing apartments (these loans convert to grants after three years residence in the settlement); free education from kindergarten through university; and free technical education. Palestinians are not afforded such benefits.

Freedom of Residence
– Palestinians who procure residency or citizenship in another country immediately lose their right of residency in occupied East Jerusalem. Jews, however, can obtain both residency and citizenship in another country and still retain their right to reside in occupied East Jerusalem.

Freedom to Leave and Return to One’s Country
– Palestinians who either fled or were not in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, or the Gaza Strip at the time of the1948 or 1967 wars have never been allowed to return to their homes or reclaim their property. By contrast, Jews from anywhere in the world may ‘return’ to either Israel proper or occupied Palestinian territory even if neither they nor any of their ancestors were born or had previously lived there.

Family Unification
– Jews have no restrictions preventing their living with or being unified with spouses and children who are from a foreign country, not citizens of Israel. By contrast, Palestinians of all categories are not afforded the same right to family unification.

Citizenship
– Israel has refused to allow a Palestinian state to emerge and at the same time has refused Palestinians in occupied Palestinian territory to gain citizenship in Israel. By contrast, Jews from anywhere in the world are rewarded with automatic citizenship and substantial monetary benefits for transferring into and living in occupied Palestinian territory.

Permit System
– Israel has imposed a burdensome permit system which requires Palestinians to get a permit for everything from repairing their home, making a deposit in their bank account, and planting onions, to which fields Palestinians may use their tractors. Often permits are issued or the permit system is enforced depending on the Palestinians’ willingness to collaborate with their Israeli occupier.

Economic Rights
– Israel prevents imports, exports, and Palestinian people from moving freely throughout Palestinian territory. This ‘closure’ policy has halted Palestinian economic development by fragmenting Palestinian economic space, raising the cost of doing business, and eliminating the predictability needed to carry out successful business.

– Palestinians must obtain permits from Israel to grow crops. Permits are granted based on whether Palestinian crops compete with Israeli agricultural production.

– A Palestinian may not establish a factory or business employing more than ten individuals.

Trade Unions
– Palestinians laborers must pay 11% of their wages to Israel’s national trade union, Histanrut, for insurance tax. Yet Palestinians do not receive Histanrut insurance benefits such as unemployment compensation, disability benefits, or old age pensions. In addition Palestinian laborers pay 1% of their wages to Histanrut for membership dues. Yet Histanrut represents only Jewish laborers in disputes, and cooperates with the Israeli military in tightening control over Palestinians.

Right to an Education
– Israel denies Palestinians the right to an education through indirect measures such as creating obstacles to movement so Palestinian students cannot get to their schools; repeated closure of Palestinian schools; military attacks on schools and students; destroying educational infrastructure; and denying Palestinian students exit permits preventing them from studying abroad.

Freedom of the Press
– Israel restricts media reporting information from Palestinian territory by direct censorship; by refusing to issue or renew press cards, restricting the movement of the press, damaging or destroying radio and TV installations; through arbitrary arrest and detention of journalists; and by beating, torturing, and killing journalists.

– The Israeli press practices a codified system of self censorship (Nakdi Report) including prohibition of the use of terms such as “Palestinian,” “Palestine,” “East Jerusalem,” or references to areas in the West Bank by their Palestinian name, instead referring to areas of the West Bank as Judea and Samaria.

– Reporters without Borders, a journalism organization advocating freedom of the press internationally, ranks Israel 146th out of 169 in their annual press freedom index.

– Palestinian newspapers must have an Israeli military permit and publications must be pre-approved by the military censor.

Israel’s practices, Apartheid Pillar 2: Segregation; exploitation of resources

  • After occupying Palestinian territory in 1967, Israel issued Administration Order #1 annexing Palestinian East Jerusalem to the State of Israel.
  • In 1967 Israel issued military orders declaring all Palestinian surface and ground water “public property” and the “sovereign property of Israel.”
  • In 1978, the Jewish Agency/World Zionist Organization/Jewish National Fund declared the West Bank a permanent part of the “Land of Israel.”
  • These para-state organizations laid out a master plan (the Drobles Plan) placing Jewish settlements and Jews-only highways around and between Palestinian populations with the stated purpose of carving up the territory to promote Jewish domination and prevent the creation of a Palestinian state.
  • By the 1990s, the corridors of Jewish settlements and Jews-only highways enforced complete segregation of Jews and non-Jews. Palestinians have been pushed into disjointed, ever-shrinking enclaves.

Segregation
– Israel has appropriated over 50% of the West Bank for the exclusive benefit of Jews including settlements and outposts; nature preserves; special security zones; the wall; agricultural development for Jewish settlers; closed military zones; and a Jews-only highway system. Palestinians are prohibited from using, or even crossing, the extensive Jews-only highway system that allows Jews to travel freely between settlements and between the West Bank and the state of Israel.

– Israel’s security wall alone appropriates 10% of the West Bank by fencing that land into Israel proper.

– Tens of thousands of Palestinians have been trapped in the ‘seam zone,’ their homes and villages are walled out of the West Bank. They are not allowed to pass into Israel for services and likewise cannot freely pass through the ‘wall’ into Palestinian territory for services and community. In contrast, a Jew from anywhere in the world, Israeli citizen or not, is free to travel in and out of the seam zones.

– By September 2008, Israel had established 699 restrictions to Palestinian movement within the West Bank including checkpoints, roadblocks, trenches, earth mounds, road gates, 89 ‘flying’ checkpoints (weekly average), and the ‘security wall.’

– As a result of this system of security walls, settlements, and highways, Israel has deliberately severed East Jerusalem from the rest of the West Bank. The West Bank is divided into reserves in which residence and entry is determined by each group’s identity. Israel has also sealed and isolated the Gaza Strip from the rest of Palestinian territory.

Exploitation of resources
– Israel integrated the Palestinian electricity infrastructure and water supplies into that of Israel, thus denying Palestinians control over their own municipal services and water resources.

– Israel diverts all of Palestinian Jordan River water and 87% of Palestinian ground water to the state of Israel proper and the illegal Jewish settlers. The remaining 13% of Palestinian ground water is distributed back to 2.5 million Palestinians living in the West Bank.

– Israel cuts off Palestinian access to water by destroying wells; destroying all Palestinian pumps and ditches accessing the Jordan River; destroying cisterns and irrigation systems; preventing the construction of new water infrastructure; preventing the repair of out-dated infrastructure; preventing Palestinians from drilling new wells; and hindering access through ‘security measures’ such as roadblocks, closures, checkpoints, and the wall.

– The route of Israel’s security wall delineates the eastern boundary of high groundwater production from the Western Aquifer. The wall fences those areas of high water production into Israel, closing off Palestinian access to more than 95% of their groundwater resources, over 630 million cubic meters of water per year.

– Since 1967, not one permit has been granted for the drilling of new Palestinian controlled wells in the largest and most productive of all the aquifer basins, the Western Aquifer.

– Palestinians pay from four to twenty times more for water than Jewish settlers pay, but are restricted to 10 to 60 liters of water per day, less than the 100 liters-per-day minimum standard set by the World Health Organization. Jewish settlers enjoy from 274 to 450 liters of water per day.

– Five thousand Jewish settlers living in the Jordan Valley consume the equivalent of 75% of the water used by the entire West Bank population of over 2.5 million Palestinians.

– All 149 Israeli-approved Jewish settlements in the West Bank are connected to a running water network, while over 200 Palestinian communities in the West Bank have no running water.

Gaza Aquifer, the only source of freshwater in the Gaza Strip
– Israel, through years of over-pumping deep bore wells along the Gaza Strip, has drawn sewage and salt water contamination into the Gaza aquifer.

– Israel reduced natural recharge of the Gaza aquifer by constructing a physical barrier or “verge” to prevent fresh water from the Hebron Hills from reaching the Gaza aquifer.

– Today 90 to 95% of the Gaza aquifer is unfit for human consumption, much of it unfit even for irrigation or showering.

– Between 2000 and mid-2006, Israel destroyed 244 of Gaza’s wells and destroyed 6.2 miles of culinary water lines.

– By January 2008, 40% of the homes in Gaza had no running water.

Israel’s practices, Apartheid Pillar 3: Matrix of security laws to suppress opposition

  • Security for the state of Israel has been equated with protection for Israel’s institutions—the same institutions that enforce domination of Palestinians.
  • All Palestinian resistance to Israeli domination is treated as a “security threat.” Palestinians resisting are labeled “terrorists.”
  • Israel invokes ‘security’ to justify sweeping restrictions on Palestinian freedom of expression, assembly, association, and movement.
  • Assassinations, torture, arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, and no due process are sanctioned by the state of Israel and often approved by the Israeli judicial system.
  • Israel’s military court system is the “institutional centerpiece of Israel’s apparatus of control over Palestinians.”

Military courts
– From 2002 to 2006, Israel’s military courts filed more than 43,000 indictments against Palestinians of which only one third were security related and only 1 per cent involved defendants charged with causing intentional deaths.

– Israel’s military courts do not comply with international standards of due process.

– There is no ‘presumption of innocence,’ placing burden of proof on the defense.

– A Palestinian defendant and attorney are not informed of charges against him or her until the first hearing (after the indictment has already been filed). The defendant is expected to respond immediately with no time to study the indictment.

– Indictments are written and presented in Hebrew—a language the defendant does not understand.

– Court decisions can be based on “secret evidence” not provided to a detainee or his or her lawyer.

– Decisions of the court are not published.

– All judges are Israeli military officers, many without legal background or education.

– If a defendant refuses to plea-bargain, the result is a far more severe penalty.

– 95% to 97% of convictions are the result of plea-bargains.

– The average hearing lasts just 3 minutes and 4 seconds.

– In 2006, acquittals were obtained in only 0.29% of cases.

Mass incarceration
– Over 40% of the Palestinian male population has been imprisoned at some time, many without charges in repeating 6-month administrative detention terms that can go on for years.

– By April 2009, 45 members of the Palestinian Legislative Council, over one third of the democratically elected parliament, were imprisoned, most convicted of belonging to a political party Israel deems a “threat,” and eight administratively detained without any charges or trial.

Prosecuting children
– Palestinian children are prosecuted as adults at age 12. Jewish settler children are not prosecuted as adults until age 18.

– Over 700 Palestinian children are prosecuted by Israeli military courts each year, mostly for throwing stones including throwing stones at the wall. Throwing stones carries a prison term of six months to twenty years.

Freedom of assembly and association
– Palestinian public gatherings of more than ten people are forbidden unless Israel is given advance notice and the names of all attendees.

– Israel uses live ammunition, tear gas, sound bombs, rubber-coated steel bullets, and physical violence against public gatherings and demonstrations.

Persecution of organizations or persons because they oppose apartheid
– Israel has declared most Palestinian political parties to be “terrorist organizations.” All charitable, educational, or cultural organizations deemed to be connected directly or indirectly to a political party are subject to closure, destruction, and military attacks.

– In 2008, Israel carried out a military attack targeting a residential area, a school, two medical clinics, and two orphanages because Israel suspected some donors to the charity that built them to be members of Hamas.

Cruel and inhumane treatment: Gaza
– From 2000 to 2004, Israel demolished over 2500 homes in the Gaza Strip leaving 16,000 Palestinians homeless.

– In 2006, Israel bombed the Gaza power plant destroying all six transformers and halting electricity production, leaving Gaza almost completely dependent on Israel as the sole provider of electricity, power, desalination, pumping sewage, and pumping water.

– After years of systematic bombing and destruction, which transformed Gaza into a dependent population, Israel isolated Gaza with an encircling ‘security wall.’ Then in October 2007, Israel initiated a blockade on Gaza limiting fuel, water, and electricity and cutting basic supplies to less than 1/5 their former levels. 95% of Gaza’s industries shut down; poverty levels reached 80%; hospitals experienced power cuts of 8 to 12 hours a day; thirty to forty million liters of raw sewage poured into the Mediterranean sea every day; 1.1 million Gazans were living below the poverty line.

– Gaza’s fishing grounds extend 20 miles off shore, yet Israel enforced a three-mile limit by opening fire on Palestinian fishing vessels beyond three miles, severely damaging Palestinian fishermen’s livelihood and denying a viable food source to Gaza.

– On December 27, 2008, Israel launched “Operation Cast Lead,” a three-week military attack on Gaza, killing 1380 Palestinians and injuring 5380. During this attack Israel prevented Palestinian civilians from leaving Gaza, “subjecting the entire population to the extreme physical and psychological hazards of modern warfare.”

–Since “Operation Cast Lead,” Israel has continued the blockade, preventing Palestinians from rebuilding, thus deepening the humanitarian disaster in Gaza.

Selected Examples of the 2500 Military Orders Governing Palestinians

  • Military Order #818: establishes how Palestinians can plant decorative flowers.
  • Military Order #998: requires Palestinians to get Israeli military permission to make a withdrawal from their bank account.
  • Military Order #93 and amendment: gives all Palestinian insurance businesses to the Israeli Insurance Syndicate.
  • Military Order #96: forbids transport or purchase of goods on a donkey.
  • Military Order #537: removes democratically elected Mayors of West Bank cities from their position.
  • Military Order #811 and #847: allows Jews to purchase land from unwilling Palestinian sellers by using a “power of attorney.”
  • Military Order #25: forbids public inspection of land transactions.
  • Military Order #58: makes land transactions immune to review so long as the transaction was carried out by an Israeli “acting in good faith.”
  • Military Order #58, Article 5: says any land transaction will not be voided even if it is proved the transaction was invalid.
  • Military Order #101: forbids a gathering of more than 10 people unless the Israeli military receives advance notice with names of all participants.
  • Military Order #107: bans publications including works on Arabic grammar, histories of the Crusades, and works on Arab nationalism.
  • Military Order #92 and #158: gives the Israeli military control of all West Bank and Gaza Strip water.
  • Military Order #128: gives the Israeli military the right to take over any Palestinian business which does not open during regular business hours.
  • Military Order #1015: requires Palestinians to get Israeli military permission to plant and grow fruit trees. Permits expire in one year or each June 15th.
  • Military Order #847: declares only Israeli notaries can authenticate signatures.
  • Military Order #134: prohibits Palestinians from operating tractors or other farm machinery made in Israel or imported from any other country.
  • Military Order #363: requires Palestinian mechanics to report to the Israeli military the particulars of any and all cars they repair.
  • Military Order #1147 (amendment): requires Palestinians to get permission from the Israeli military to grow onions.
  • Military Order #1229: authorizes Israel to hold Palestinians in administrative detention for up to six months without charge or trial. Six-month detentions can be renewed indefinitely.

Discussion: Future Direction

The conclusions of the study by the Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa were limited to Israel’s practices in occupied East Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The study found Israel’s practices in these territories constitute both colonialism and apartheid.

The study did contain much evidence of similar practices within the state of Israel suggesting the need for studies in other areas where Israel’s laws dominate. That would include Israel’s practices within the state of Israel proper where 1.7 million Palestinian Israelis, nearly 24% of the population, are considered “citizen non-members of Israel and afforded a status inferior to that of Jewish citizens;” Israel’s practices regarding Palestinian refugees where Israel’s citizenship laws place inhumane limits on refugees’ right to return to their homes and reclaim their property confiscated by Israel in 1948 and 1967; and Israel’s practices in the occupied Golan Heights.

Under International Law, practices of colonialism and apartheid are judged damaging to international legal order and seriously threaten world peace and security. Findings of colonialism and apartheid legally obligate third party nations to oppose the colonialism-apartheid system. Findings of apartheid, a crime against humanity, also give rise to individual criminal responsibility.

The State of Israel has the duty to:

  1. Cease its unlawful activity
  2. Dismantle the structures of colonialism and apartheid
  3. Promote full rights and expression of the Palestinian people
  4. Pay reparations and damages to the Palestinians people

Third party States are obligated to:

  1. Not recognize the illegal situation as lawful
  2. Not render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation
  3. Cooperate to bring the illegal situation to an end
  4. Not become complicit in the crimes by failing to fulfill the first three obligations

As a next step, the Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa strongly recommends that states take action to meet their legal obligations under international law and urgently request the International Court of Justice render an advisory opinion on the question of Israel’s practices in occupied Palestinian territory.

Concerned citizens play a critical role in bringing their governments forward on this issue, from awareness of breaches of international law and human rights to responsibility. The report of the Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa recognizes Israeli apartheid and colonization as a matter of global significance. They have named and delineated this egregious policy. The study warns that states providing aid to Israel can be found complicit in this international crime and implies that individuals aiding Israel may bear criminal responsibility. The study further suggests that international methods that helped end apartheid in South Africa are applicable to ending Israeli apartheid.

Specifically, individuals can meet with their representatives; petition their representatives to request an advisory opinion from International Court of Justice on the question of Israel’s practices in occupied Palestinian territory; hold non-violent protests; and join in international boycott, divestment and sanctions efforts—all strategies similar to those used to end South Africa’s apartheid.

 
Interview with Colonel Desmond Travers, co-author of the Goldstone report PDF Print E-mail
Written by Dr. Hanan Chehata   
Monday, 08 February 2010 10:46

"Gaza is the only gulag in the Western hemisphere; maintained by democracies; closed-off from food, water, air" says Colonel Desmond Travers, co-author of the Goldstone report, in an exclusive MEMO interview.

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Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions PDF Print E-mail
Written by Maan Development Centre   
Monday, 23 November 2009 00:52

Download: PDF

Last Updated on Monday, 23 November 2009 07:29
 
The Humanitarian Impact of Two Years of Blockade on the Gaza Strip Aug 2009 PDF Print E-mail
Written by One Democratic State Group   
Monday, 24 August 2009 19:57

This report documents the humanitarian impact of the blockade imposed by Israel since June 2007 on the 1.5 million people living in the Gaza Strip.

It focuses on the effects of the import and export restrictions and the travel ban to and from Gaza on livelihoods, food, security, education, health, shelter, energy and water and sanitation. The report also describes how the recurrent cycles of violence and human rights violations, stemming from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Hamas's rule over Gaza, have compounded the suffering of the population in Gaza.

 

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Last Updated on Friday, 18 September 2009 11:39
 
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